Academic autonomy under siege

BIZARRE and somewhat amusing developments are taking place in the world of science and technology in India. A national science academy, which had famously refused to make APJ Abdul Kalam its Fellow, bestowed upon industrialist Mukesh Ambani its Fellowship — an honour till now reserved only for scientists having stellar academic and research achievements. A top technological institution carried out ‘artificial rain’ supposedly to address poor air quality in Delhi, knowing fully well that there was no scientific basis for doing so. It did so just to fulfil the wishes of the state government.

A Union minister dishonoured Vikram Sarabhai, visionary founder of India’s space programme, at a public forum by saying that Sarabhai used to carry rockets on a bicycle as we had no resources. He apparently did this to justify his absurd claim that Indian achievements in space were all due to resources made available 2014 onwards by the Narendra Modi government.

These recent developments may seem isolated and unconnected, but they are not. They are part of a long chain in recent years during which our scientific, research and academic institutions have been losing their autonomy one by one. Some have been forced to fall in line, while others have decided to surrender voluntarily.

A fledgling Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) had the courage to turn down a request from Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1980 to send an Indian astronaut on a Soviet mission. It was not an act of defiance but a polite refusal based on sound arguments (ISRO was then busy making its first satellites and rockets and had no human flight programme on its agenda), which the PM was graceful enough to accept. She then assigned the task to the Indian Air Force, resulting in Rakesh Sharma’s space journey in 1984. ISRO is still autonomous on paper, but it has no courage left to correct the minister when he disrespects its founder publicly.

Similar is the case of the Indian National Science Academy (INSA). Though it has been supported financially by the Centre for decades, it was not the handmaiden of the government till recently. In 2010, at the height of the controversy over genetically modified (GM) foods, the INSA joined two other science academies in emphasising that GM food crops should be thoroughly tested for safety to human health and the environment before any commercial release. In January 2018, three academies came together to rubbish a statement made by a Central minister questioning Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution and suggesting its removal from educational curricula. In both instances, science academies took principled positions, rightfully asserting their freedom and autonomy.

In the present case of electing new Fellows, if the science academy felt it prudent to involve non-scientists like Ambani and other industrialists in pursuance of its charter, it could have very well done so by designing appropriate collaborative programmes and platforms. No science academy worth its name would make someone its Fellow without requisite credentials. Ambani is now a member of the hallowed group that includes scientific luminaries like Satyen Bose, Meghnad Saha, Homi Jehangir Bhabha and Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar.

The Royal Society, London — considered the gold standard of science academies — enrols people who are not professional scientists, such as researchers from industry, as its Fellows, provided they have made a “substantial contribution to the improvement of natural knowledge.” The INSA’s decision to make Ambani and others its Fellows sets a dangerous precedent, besides being disheartening for many mid-career scientists looking to become its Fellows someday.

One such scientist with globally recognised contribution to his credit declared on social media — “Alas! I have neither the bank balance nor academic merit to be an INSA Fellow.” The comment reflects the general mood, though most in the scientific community have preferred to keep mum.

A prominent institution on the radar of the Central government is the Kolkata-headquartered Indian Statistical Institute (ISI). The government has proposed to bring in the Indian Statistical Institute Bill 2025 that seeks to establish its direct administrative control over this iconic body established by physicist-turned-statistician Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis nearly a century ago. Globally renowned for work in statistics, mathematics and applied sciences, the ISI is a unique self-governing scientific institution registered as a non-profit society.

The proposed law seeks to dissolve the existing ISI Society and replace it with a Centrally-controlled Board of Governance. The President, Director and members of the Academic Council will no longer be elected but appointed by the Central government. The Bill also stipulates that the new body will take over all movable and immovable properties of the ISI.

It is clearly an assault on academic freedom, democratic structure and institutional autonomy. This is similar to what the Centre has attempted to do with the governing structure of Panjab University, or what US President Donald Trump is trying to do with top universities in his country.

Autonomy is not an esoteric idea — it allows faculty committees to debate and refine the curriculum based on wide-ranging inputs and experience. The process is the key to achieving academic excellence and keeping academic programmes relevant to current scientific challenges. Replacing it with bureaucratic oversight from Delhi would undermine both the quality and independence of the curriculum. The 1959 Act that governs the ISI currently allows the institute to grant degrees independent of the University Grants Commission (UGC). The draft Bill is silent on this matter, implying that the ISI will be placed under the UGC and thus run like a regular university, which it is not.

Academic freedom is critical to let scholars, teachers and students think, question and express ideas without fear of censorship or retribution. It encourages innovation and critical thinking, while protecting the integrity of research and teaching. Institutional autonomy is necessary for protection from political, bureaucratic or corporate interference, and to promote excellence and diversity. Enforcing a ‘one-size-fits-all’ governance model for research and academic institutions, and allowing political interference from Delhi in their running, is going to deeply damage India’s standing in science and technology.