Indo-US 2+2 dialogue led to substantial gains
Unlock Exclusive Insights with The Tribune Premium
Take your experience further with Premium access. Thought-provoking Opinions, Expert Analysis, In-depth Insights and other Member Only BenefitsThe fourth India-US 2 2 ministerial dialogue was unique as it was preceded by an online meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Joe Biden to remove the wrinkles in the bilateral ties due to differences on the Ukraine conflict. At the heart of these was the US expectation that as the biggest democracy and major defence partner, India should be on the side of the US, condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine unequivocally and use its traditional ties with Russia to end the war.
Modi began by telling Biden that India had its own constraints as it was required to first extricate about 20,000 of its nationals stranded in Ukraine. On several occasions that he spoke to Russian President Putin, he appealed to him for peace through direct talks with Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. India had categorically condemned the killings of innocent civilians in Bucha, demanding a fair probe. It had emphasised on the security of the civilians and sent an uninterrupted supply of humanitarian aid, including medicines to Ukraine.
Bilateral ties between India and the US have made a huge progress and acquired a new momentum, which could not have been imagined a decade earlier. The two countries should take a long-term view of the partnership as it has the potential to resolve many global problems. These issues were further amplified by External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar in his opening remarks explaining that the bilateral trade of $160 billion, our two lakh students studying in the US, growing investment levels and rapidly expanding energy, trade and defence cooperation pointed to huge progress in mutual ties by any standard.
Unlike a few days earlier when Biden had termed India’s stance on Ukraine as ‘somewhat shaky’, this time he showed a better understanding of India’s position as both he and Modi underlined “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.” They committed to augmenting the US-India relationship in clean energy, economy, technology, military cooperation, people-to-people ties and strengthening global health and food security and ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific (IP).
The US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken conceded that the US had to be mindful of where India had come from (a reference to the historic close India-Russia ties) when the US was not able to be of much help to India, but the situation was changing now.
The 2 2 dialogue provided an opportunity to the two countries to drive forward the range of their multifaceted cooperation. It included more initiatives to empower Quad as a force for global good in the IP region, increase engagement among the four countries (India, the US, Israel and the UAE) in the Middle East on food security, clean energy and infrastructure development and institute a framework to advance cooperation in critical and emerging technologies to foster regional and global innovation.
Both India and the US share a common vision of a free, open and inclusive IP. The two sides reviewed information-sharing, enhanced logistics cooperation, communication and closer cooperation of the Special Operation Forces. India underlined the need for co-development and co-production and invited US companies to manufacture defence equipment in India. They also agreed on a Space Situational Awareness Agreement, commencing the defence space and artificial intelligence dialogues and augment the scope and complexity of the military exercises.
The US Deputy Secretary of State, Wendy Sharman, at a US Congressional hearing last week, said that the US would prefer India to move away from its “long-term historical partnership with Russia”. The Americans have to appreciate the rationale underpinning India’s close relations with Russia.
First, as is widely known by now, more than two-third of India’s high-tech weapon systems, including nuclear submarines, aircraft carrier, BrahMos missiles, advanced fighter aircraft, tanks and others were provided by Russia. India will continue to need spare parts for these equipments from them. It remains to be seen whether the US companies would be ready to provide the cutting edge technologies for co-production of this military equipment in India.
Second, India faces numerous challenges to its security from cross-border terrorism emanating from its western neighbourhood, which have become more complex after the Taliban’s victory in Afghanistan. India has abiding political, economic and security interests in the Middle East. With the US reducing its footprint in this region and Moscow expanding its influence, India needs to have good ties with Russia to safeguard its multiple interests.
Third, after the Ukraine war, India will not like a debilitated Russia to become a ‘vassal’ of China and contribute to its aggressive incursions against India. As Jaishankar pointed out, the American campaign against India’s purchase of Russian oil is completely misplaced as India buys only about two per cent of its annual requirement from her.
The fact that the 2 2 dialogue was upgraded to 3 3 with involvement at the highest level shows the importance attached by the two countries to foster this relationship with dexterity and maturity. India made it clear that it would retain its freedom of choice in maintaining a friendly relationship with Russia. These meetings helped in a better understanding of India’s position at the official level and reduced misperceptions and unrealistic expectations.
It is hoped that the US would avoid unnecessary hectoring to India, particularly on sensitive issues as the latter would be forced to respond likewise for its own reasons. Differences of views on certain issues cannot be resolved immediately and both countries would need to nurture this relationship with patience, understanding and positive approaches.
Over time, the relationship could yield enormous dividends in ensuring peace, stability and prosperity in the IP region and strengthening the present international order, which some countries are trying to disrupt to achieve their irredentist ambitions.