Allay security concerns in the digital age : The Tribune India

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Allay security concerns in the digital age

It appears Zhenhua obtained information from open sources in cyberspace. This information is freely available on open platforms. Indeed, the purpose of putting it on these platforms, in many cases, is its wide dissemination. What is significant in the Zhenhua matter is whose information is being sought, and taken altogether, does it indicate a pattern of current Chinese thinking about India?

Allay security concerns in the digital age

Vigilant: It is important to take precautions to protect sensitive information so that it remains secure and is not misused.



Vivek Katju

Ex-Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs

The government has done well to appoint an expert committee under the National Cyber Security Coordinator, Lt Gen Rajesh Pant (retd), to urgently look into reports in a prominent national daily about the collection of data on 10,000 Indians and some of the country’s sensitive organisations and emerging new-age companies by a Chinese firm, Zhenhua Data.

Parliament was agitated by Zhenhua’s action which, despite the denials by Chinese officials and diplomats, is believed to have close connections with that country’s official entities. It is important to assuage public apprehensions on matters of national security. This can be done, in this case, by releasing such findings of the expert committee as can be made public.

The instruments of the digital age make it possible for countries, among others, to gather vast quantum of open information, including the encrypted variety, which naturally needs to be deciphered. The objectives though of a country’s information have not changed despite the new technologies. These are broadly to identify threats of all kinds — security-related, political, social and economic — and to anticipate, predict, deter and neutralise them. If this is one set of purposes, the other is to enhance the nation’s interests, particularly in the economic and geo-political areas inter alia by making assessments of the foreign governments’ motivations and future actions.

Thus, information collection is not an end in itself. It is meant to be put to use. Without that, the entire exercise is pointless and the vast amount of money spent by countries and organisations in these exercises is wasteful. In order to prevent this from occurring, a country’s information collection entities do not just fish around, but go through a complex governmental process, at least in states with a mature and well-established systems, to decide on the direction, areas, issues and persons they need to focus on. This is a dynamic process which in itself has to remain confidential for, if revealed, it would give adversaries and friends alike an indication of the concerns and priorities of a country.

From media reports, it appears that Zhenhua obtained information from open sources in cyberspace. This information is freely available on various platforms. Indeed, the purpose of putting it on these platforms, in many cases, is its wide dissemination. Nothing can prevent its collection and collation or to make inferences and connections on its basis. What is significant in the Zhenhua matter is whose information is being sought, and taken altogether, does it indicate a pattern of current Chinese thinking about India? Or, does it indicate confusion? For instance, what strategic purpose of China would be served by scraping information of some groups like the mayors in India is difficult to perceive. The expert committee would have to carefully consider these aspects to ascertain if how the Chinese are looking at India can be gleaned through the Zhenhua material. This is based on the perhaps valid assumption that the company was not acting on its own but in concert with Chinese agencies.

If, however, Chinese official assertions are to be taken at face value, the question arises: ‘who are the likely users of this information’ especially because it includes accounts about criminals? The expert committee would no doubt examine this specific aspect for it may have a direct bearing on national security. It is known that criminal networks have been used by Pakistan to spread terror in India. Also, apart from the Chinese official agencies, who else could or would have an interest in India’s atomic and space programmes?

It is important to remain alert about other countries seeking to gain information through various means about India. It is also necessary to take precautions to protect sensitive information. Indeed, all countries seek to ensure that their sensitive information remains secure even though it is targeted by others through human and technical means. India’s record of denying others information that it really wants to protect is generally good. This is borne out by the way it was able to ensure that despite the enormous technical assets available to the leading intelligence agencies of the world, not one was able to detect the 1998 or the 1974 nuclear tests.

Information collection on obvious dangers such as terrorism and social subversion is necessary and useful, but there are areas where the utility of information gathering is questionable. In an article, The Year of the Spy (In a Manner of Speaking), carried by the New York Times in January 1986, John Kenneth Galbraith, the celebrated professor of economics at Harvard University and one of America’s leading public intellectuals of the second half of the 20th century who also served as his country’s ambassador to India from 1961 to 1963, apart from being closely associated with government policy formulation, raised pertinent questions about the utility of intelligence in seeking to predict the choices of foreign governments because of the very nature of decision-making at the highest levels (with the coming of the digital age, much has changed but not the way political decision-making takes place). Galbraith recalled his own experience as the Ambassador to India in the context of the utility of some intelligence gained by CIA operatives in this country.

A vast quantum of information collected through technical means has to rely on mathematics for analysis and the identification of patterns. This can give some pointers, but not what is taking place in the highest decision-making circles of major countries. There, the personal predilections of political leaders also come into play because of which information is sometimes set aside which later proves to be correct.

The game of nations requires smartness coupled with balance and the avoidance of the intrusion of domestic politics. Intentions of adversaries need monitoring but the utility of their actions also needs to be factored in. That applies to the Zhenhua matter too.


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