Politics fuels Punjab’s migrant controversy

THE brutal killing of a five-year-old boy by an alleged migrant worker in Hoshiarpur has raised many issues in present-day Punjab, which is already struggling with many challenges at many levels.

This gruesome murder resulted in widespread outrage across the state against the migrant population. Many panchayats have passed resolutions demanding stern action to prevent the entry of migrants in their respective villages and hardline measures against them.

Others have talked about the negative impact of unregulated migration in Punjab, saying it is a conspiracy to change the demographic structure in the state. They have asked the government to enact laws similar to those in Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand to stop migrants from settling in the state.

Similar voices have also been raised by some politicians. Some individuals were seen campaigning against migrants and issuing threats to them.

Considering the seriousness of this incident, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann firmly stated that such demands violated the Constitution. He warned the locals against such behaviour as it would adversely affect Punjabis settled in other states of the country.

On the other hand, the passing of resolutions by panchayats to check the entry of migrants in their respective villages has raised many questions about the working of the panchayati raj system in Punjab.

Do they not know that passing such resolutions is a violation of the Constitution and the Panchayati Raj Act 1993? No gram panchayat has the jurisdiction to take such a decision or impose a ban on individuals.

Let us see how important migrant workers are for Punjab. The fact of matter is that migrant labourers are found in all areas of Punjabi society and have become an integral part of all growth-related activities, i.e. agriculture, industry, construction, etc in both rural and urban areas.

Though migration is an old phenomenon, the growing number of migrants in contemporary Punjab began with the Green Revolution in the late 1960s. This development was the outcome of a change in the traditional siri (attached labourers) culture and the movement of local farm labourers to the non-farm sector due to mechanisation and the economic shift in agrarian structure.

However, the Punjab peasantry, in spite of mechanisation, still relies on monoculture as the Green Revolution requires a huge labour force during peak harvesting season and during paddy transplantation to complete farm operations successfully in the shortest possible time.

It is in this context that a significant number of people from states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal migrated to Punjab, firstly as agricultural workforce and later on becoming an integral part of non-agricultural activities, seeking better economic prospects.

In 2011, there were more than 13 lakh migrant labourers in Punjab making a significant contribution to the state’s development. The trend of migration in rural Punjab continued in 1980s and 1990s during the darkest terrorism years when dozens of migrant workers were killed by militants.

Initially, migrants came for farm work, but many later shifted to industry and settled in Punjab. However, despite sectoral shifts, Punjab's dependence on migrant workers remained.

An estimated 1.8 million migrant workers sustain Punjab's economy across agriculture, industry and services. Their inflow for farm work has reduced due to better opportunities in their home states, leading to shortages. Farmers now offer incentives, especially in Doaba, where migrants also manage lands and homes of families settled abroad.

So, what led to the demand for the ouster of migrants from Punjab? Because of a murder committed by one individual? They could have asked the government and law enforcement agencies to make sure that no such incident happens in future and severe punishment to the accused.

Punjab faces agrarian distress, political instability, youth hopelessness, poor governance and repeated floods — all adding to public desperation.

Some Sikhs fear that rising migrant settlement is reshaping Punjab's demography. The Sikh share of the population fell from 61 per cent in 1966 to 57.7 per cent in 2011, a trend worsened by youth migration abroad.

Now, the question is: who is making migrant workers responsible for the problems in Punjab? What are their designs? Why is the whole migrant community being held responsible for this unfortunate murder allegedly committed by a migrant worker? The need of the hour is to see what is happening at the ground level.

Another aspect of this phenomenon is that when such issues are raised in other parts of the country, who gets the political benefit? In the recent past, political parties have gained electorally by stoking anti-migrant sentiment, as seen in Maharashtra and parts of the south.

The issue of migrants is very sensitive in the Hindi heartland states of Bihar and UP. Elections in Bihar are going to be held shortly and most of the migrant workforce in Punjab is from that state. Everybody knows who will get the political benefit of the migrant controversy in Punjab.

In addition, elections are scheduled in Punjab after one year. Unlike earlier times, we have many stakeholders for power. The present government has failed to fulfil many promises it made to the people before the 2022 elections.

Punjab is facing many problems, and no government in the post-terrorism period has paid attention to solving the structural problems that emerged during the turmoil in Punjab. Such issues become handy for individuals, political parties and others to derive political benefit in the electoral process.

Punjab's past sectarian and terrorist violence has already cost it dearly. Punjab has to recover from its structural problems.

It is in this context that the people of Punjab must understand the designs of forces trying to bring social, economic and political instability in the state.

Jagrup Singh Sekhon is ex-Professor, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar.