Punjab crisis: AAP & politics of righteousness

While dealing with the Punjab situation, there is a tendency to quickly term it as a crisis. The term crisis with regard to Punjab was popularised in the 1980s when the Sikh militant movement almost halted the development and governance processes in Punjab. It is still in vogue, though the present conditions in Punjab do not warrant it to be called so. Interestingly, the dramatic crash that the stock exchange has recently experienced is still not being treated as a crisis.

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Corruption is an all-India phenomenon and Punjab is no exception. But understanding how corruption is the root cause of the crisis in the state requires some serious introspection.

The AAP's crusade against corruption after it came to power was noticed and there was a dramatic drop in corrupt practices in government offices. But it turned out to be a temporary pause as within six months of its rule, corruption resumed and, at present, there is hardly any government office where there is no corruption.

The corrupt practices resumed largely as rumours of some AAP leaders indulging in corruption began to spread in the state.

It is interesting that after two years of AAP's rule, the issue of corruption has almost disappeared from the state. There seems to be a standard pattern in this silence and it is common to many political parties in power in various states.

During the initial phase of the government, the people's representatives are given freedom to make money, for without it, elections cannot be won. When it enters the third year, there is a sudden rise in action against corrupt officials.

We have witnessed this crackdown recently, though most of the officials acted against are small fish and there is hardly any intent to catch the big fish. The arrest of a tehsildar by the Vigilance Bureau in Ludhiana led to a strike by the tehsildars. But it was quickly withdrawn after the Punjab government hardened its stance against the striking tehsildars.

The issue of corruption is much more serious than we generally think. Instead of distancing themselves from the corrupt tehsildar, his fellow officers endorsed his misdeed by going on strike in his support. This is an indication of a serious moral crisis in the society, where corruption is regarded as functional for everybody.

A considerable number of people willingly bribe officials to get their work done. As the slogan goes, corruption breeds cooperation. There are two reasons for bribing officials. First, there are certain anomalies in his/her case that the person wants to cover. Second, people want their work done quickly even if their papers are in order. In such situations, corruption becomes a part of the culture and a permanent institutionalised practice.

Agriculture has been regarded as the mainstay of Punjab since the Green Revolution in the late 1960s. However, the Green Revolution has outlived its advantage and now most of the states are producing grains, though Punjab is still the largest contributor to the Centre's kitty. Agricultural practices have moved to monoculture, in which wheat and paddy have become the major crops. The water-intensive cropping pattern has caused havoc to the underground water table. The AAP government has made some positive efforts to extend canal water, but it has to be a long-term effort.

Despite the efforts of the government to convince the farmers to go for diversification of the cropping pattern, they are not doing so due to lack of expertise and the availability of minimum support price for certain crops.

According to the 2022-2023 economic survey of Punjab, the gross state value of agriculture and related services is about 29 per cent employing about 25 per cent of the workers, most of whom are migrant labourers. In contrast, the industry's share is about 25 per cent employing 36 per cent of the workers. And, interestingly, services constitute about 46 per cent employing about 38 per cent of workers.

Agriculture and related services have declined progressively over time. Punjab's economy greatly benefits from the Punjabi diaspora who regularly visit the state and spend money in various ways.

Owing to the uneconomical nature of agriculture, the land market in villages has declined considerably and it has become difficult to find buyers.

The context of the crisis in agriculture in Punjab is exemplified by the recent farmers' movement. From 2020, when they protested against the three farm laws and succeeded in getting them repealed in 2021, to the present, Punjab farmers have not stopped their struggle.

At present, their struggle is at the pre-organisational level owing to the split among the farmers. There are more than 30 unions and each one has its distinct character. The decision by some unions to go to Delhi last year to protest was bound to fail because of the lack of unity among them.

The Swaminathan Committee's recommendations have not been implemented despite assurances by various political parties during successive elections. In addition, the Central government has been gradually withdrawing the subsidy to agriculture.

The Punjab government is still supplying free power for tubewells to farmers. Otherwise, under the WTO agreement, the Indian state has already withdrawn indirect/ input subsidies. The greatest farce is the Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi, under which some cash is deposited in the bank accounts of farmers. The amount is too meagre to help them.

At this moment, the farmers are fighting two wars. First, they are fighting for minimum support price for certain crops all over the country; and second, against the open and subtle corporatisation of agriculture.

However, their dharnas on roads and railway tracks have become an irritant for a considerable number of commuters as well as the government. The reaction of the Punjab CM in the recent meeting with farmers and subsequent action against them on March 5 is a result of such a situation.

The institutionalisation of a movement always leads to a loss in its sheen and that is what is happening to the farmers' movement. Once the legitimacy of the movement is lost, it will take little time for the State to completely suppress it. The only way out is a united struggle at the national level.

The root cause of the crisis lies in the loss of moral values in the system, where money and profit have become primary. Irrational spray of pesticides, adulteration of milk and considering corruption as natural way of becoming rich are some practices that characterise the Punjab crisis.