The great ideational divide

Vivek Katju

Ex-Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs

Indians can view the country’s journey since Independence with great satisfaction. These 75 years have witnessed fundamental social transformation, remarkable economic advance and the maintenance and deepening of electoral democracy. India can also be proud of its achievements in science and technology, including the spheres of space, nuclear and human health. These achievements have impacted India’s interaction with the world. Its voice is heard with respect in many critical areas of global concern.

Inspiration from past achievements is necessary, but the past should never become a quagmire.

Yet, even as Indian hearts will fill with pride as PM Modi unfurls the Tricolour from the ramparts of the Red Fort on August 15, concerns, some continuing since freedom was achieved and some new, may come creeping in, if not on that happy day, then the next. This would not be unnatural, for in the lives of countries, as of its individual citizens, there is neither unalloyed joy nor sorrow; such is the drama of life.

All through history, the idea prevailed that the vast land from the Himalayas in the north to the ocean in the south, and from the sea in the west to the sea in the east had an underlying unity. It was seldom administratively united nor was it populated with people who followed a rigid uniformity in custom and practice, but the concept of unity was reflected in ancient sacred texts and became part of popular consciousness. The British gave the Indian subcontinent administrative unity — not uniformity though — through a colonial state. However, the idea of Indian nationalism which emerged during colonial rule was the response of the Indian people to the loss of freedom. This response embraced ideas from India’s own rich inheritance, and also from the European enlightenment. Many streams of thought and consequent action came up, in what became a great movement for national independence and a comprehensive reformation of Indian society.

It is necessary to recall this period of Indian renaissance, for some of the concerns of today have their roots in the ideational contestations of that stirring period. And, the contested idea, relevant to contemporary India, is this: where do the roots of nationalism lie? In a united geography with varied cultures, or in a cultural stream of ancient origin unsullied by the waters which may have flowed, even over extended periods of time, through this vast land? This is the great ideational divide that confronts India at 75. It has to be admitted that while it was thought to have been settled in the first four decades of Independence, in favour of a political nationalism, the forces subscribing to ‘cultural’ nationalism have come to the fore and have gained greater acceptance. The Partition of the country on the basis of religion also ensured that this fundamental debate would remain alive.

Even if the underpinnings of nationalism are taken to be cultural, what should be the nature of the public culture? Should it be open, inclusive, progressive, non-discriminatory towards varied human orientations, rationalist and scientific and rights-oriented? Or should it be rigid, focusing not on future quests, but obsessed with righting the wrongs of history, mired in past quarrels and determined to obliterate long historical periods? Inspiration from past achievements is necessary, but the past should never become a quagmire. That can only lead to stagnation. And, 75 years after Independence, every Indian citizen has to be considered fully authentic. It would be a repudiation of what the Father of the Nation stood for if that essential position rooted in India’s Constitution is abandoned.

The colonial state bequeathed to the Indian state a number of unresolved external issues. Some of these were embedded in the very nature of the colonial state while others emerged from the creation of Pakistan. The two principal issues which remain unresolved and have adversely impacted India are border problems with China and Pakistan. The India-China border difficulties stem from the colonial period while the India-Pakistan border problems have their origin in Pakistan’s hostility towards India. Unfortunately, there seems to be no prospect of a resolution of either issue in the foreseeable future.

The Chinese threat will only increase in time. China aspires to surpass the US as the world’s pre-eminent power. For this, it wishes to settle its periphery on its own terms. Its preferred manner of dealing with India is to keep it in a pincer through Pakistan. Through CPEC it is seeking to impart new and positive dimensions to its ties with Pakistan. The arrangements of the 1990s to maintain peace along the LAC cannot be relied upon. Hence, more investments in men, material and infrastructure will have to be made. India must enhance its manufacturing base to reduce dependence on Chinese supply chains.

Pakistan is currently in the throes of a crisis. If it was a rational state, with the security provided by its nuclear weapons, it would have reoriented ties with India. There is no likelihood, however, that Pakistan would do so. It will continue to rely on calibrated use of terror to keep India tied down in J&K.

As India’s footprint increases in the world, it must realise that its true attraction to smaller states comes from the example of its democratic institutions embedded in the Constitution. Newly independent countries had admired these institutions which enhanced individual freedoms and ushered in social-economic reform, seeking to build an egalitarian, peaceful and harmonious society embracing all Indians. India at 75 must ensure that the strength of these institutions is never impaired.

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