Long wait for revival of political process in J&K

Arun Joshi in Jammu

IT is an unusual chapter in the political history of Jammu and Kashmir that today Delhi alone holds the key to the revival of the political process — so crucial and critical for the new Union Territory. Why Delhi? Because it was the Central government that stymied the course of politics in J&K by putting in detention all those who had come out in opposition or would have protested scrapping of the erstwhile state’s special status.

The BJP had an overwhelming majority to implement its agenda, which it did by squelching all voices and whimpers of protest. Perhaps the idea was to allow a singular narrative that saw J&K as an integral part of India in complete terms. Since August 5 last year, however, Delhi has discovered that its attempts have not succeeded. People are silent, but that does not necessarily translate into acquiescence or acceptance. An indigenous political structure is needed, but it cannot come up without Delhi wishing so.

In J&K, the political inertia has contributed to a freeze on political discourse. The recognised mainstream was detained, and most of others retreated to their homes. They continue to shy away from speaking their mind, mindful of the likely demonisation.

That has made the real-time revival of political process difficult – they have plenty of issues to speak about, but won’t open up. Worse, they think taking an initiative may turn out to be a self-inflicted wound. Two factors have to be understood: the politics that flourished before the abrogation of Article 370 and following it.

August 5 is embedded in J&K’s history as a watershed moment. It was a delight for those who thought that Article 370 was the biggest barrier in the integration of the state with the rest of the country; a source of breeding secessionism; a protective shield for the proliferation of terrorism. The other side, jubilant over the decision, triggered two narratives: one, that the forces of secessionism have been defeated forever, and that a new era of development was about to begin in J&K. That everything was bad before August 5 and everything good would happen now. There is no evidence that any of the two objectives have been achieved.

The other side, mostly in jail, was silent but their cadre was nowhere to be seen. Perhaps the circumstances were extraordinary, with more than 7,000 people in detention. Now, when the leaders are getting freed, the discourse is anything but political.

Farooq chooses to remain silent

There were tremendous hopes pinned on National Conference chief and MP Farooq Abdullah to lend some direction following his release. After all, he was branded as “Qaid-i-sani” (leader of the times). He, however, excused himself on the grounds that unless or until other detained leaders were freed, he would not make any political statement.

He visited the residence of PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti, met her mother and daughter. This was a human and political statement.

With the Centre already having bifurcated the erstwhile state into two UTs, the political goalposts have changed. Farooq is caught between what was declared on August 4 — the Gupkar declaration that “all parties would be united in their resolve to protect and defend the identity, autonomy and special status of J&K” — and the search for the starting point now.

Mehbooba Mufti, who warned of explosive consequences if the special status was tampered with, remains in detention. Her party has been poached. She is being likened to a helpless lioness. “She will not concede as others have,” says a confidant. That could be one reason for her prolonged detention.

The new Apni Party is stirring things up, but that’s about it. It is yet to resonate with the people. Kashmir is in search of a leader who can give expression to its seven-month silence. That’s where the revival of the political process is stuck.